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Risultati della ricerca per video porno su richiesta " Anna Anarchy ". A group of workers—far from joining in his attentat —beat Berkman unconscious, and he was carried away by the police.

Convinced Goldman was involved in the plot, police raided her apartment. Although they found no evidence, they pressured her landlord into evicting her.

Worse, the attentat had failed to rouse the masses: workers and anarchists alike condemned Berkman's action. Johann Most, their former mentor, lashed out at Berkman and the assassination attempt.

Furious at these attacks, Goldman brought a toy horsewhip to a public lecture and demanded, onstage, that Most explain his betrayal.

He dismissed her, whereupon she struck him with the whip, broke it on her knee, and hurled the pieces at him. When the Panic of struck in the following year, the United States suffered one of its worst economic crises.

Goldman began speaking to crowds of frustrated men and women in New York City. On August 21, she spoke to a crowd of nearly 3, people in Union Square , where she encouraged unemployed workers to take immediate action.

Her exact words are unclear: undercover agents insist she ordered the crowd to "take everything If they do not give you work, demand bread.

If they deny you both, take bread. A week later, Goldman was arrested in Philadelphia and returned to New York City for trial, charged with "inciting to riot".

She responded by throwing a glass of ice water in his face. She spent two hours talking to Goldman and wrote a positive article about the woman she described as a "modern Joan of Arc.

Despite this positive publicity, the jury was persuaded by Jacobs' testimony and frightened by Goldman's politics. The assistant District Attorney questioned Goldman about her anarchism, as well as her atheism; the judge spoke of her as "a dangerous woman".

Once inside she suffered an attack of rheumatism and was sent to the infirmary; there she befriended a visiting doctor and began studying medicine.

She soon became swamped with requests for interviews and lectures. To make money, Goldman decided to pursue the medical work she had studied in prison.

However, her preferred fields of specialization— midwifery and massage —were not available to nursing students in the US.

She sailed to Europe, lecturing in London, Glasgow, and Edinburgh. In Vienna , she received two diplomas for midwifery and put them immediately to use back in the US.

Alternating between lectures and midwifery, Goldman conducted the first cross-country tour by an anarchist speaker. They went together to France and helped organize the International Anarchist Congress on the outskirts of Paris.

They shared a residence there with friends of Goldman. McKinley was hit in the breastbone and stomach, and died eight days later.

During interrogation he claimed to be an anarchist and said he had been inspired to act after attending a speech by Goldman. The authorities used this as a pretext to charge Goldman with planning McKinley's assassination.

They tracked her to the residence in Chicago she shared with Havel, as well as with Mary and Abe Isaak , an anarchist couple and their family.

Earlier, Czolgosz had tried but failed to become friends with Goldman and her companions. During a talk in Cleveland, Czolgosz had approached Goldman and asked her advice on which books he should read.

In July , he had appeared at the Isaak house, asking a series of unusual questions. They assumed he was an infiltrator, like a number of police agents sent to spy on radical groups.

They had remained distant from him, and Abe Isaak sent a notice to associates warning of "another spy". Although Czolgosz repeatedly denied Goldman's involvement, the police held her in close custody, subjecting her to what she called the " third degree ".

No evidence was found linking Goldman to the attack, and she was released after two weeks of detention. Before McKinley died, Goldman offered to provide nursing care, referring to him as "merely a human being".

Throughout her detention and after her release, Goldman steadfastly refused to condemn Czolgosz's actions, standing virtually alone in doing so.

Friends and supporters—including Berkman—urged her to quit his cause. But Goldman defended Czolgosz as a "supersensitive being" [72] and chastised other anarchists for abandoning him.

McKinley's successor, Theodore Roosevelt , declared his intent to crack down "not only against anarchists, but against all active and passive sympathizers with anarchists".

After Czolgosz was executed, Goldman withdrew from the world. Scorned by her fellow anarchists, vilified by the press, and separated from her love, Berkman, she retreated into anonymity and nursing.

Using the name E. Smith, she left public life and took on a series of private nursing jobs. A coalition of people and organizations across the left end of the political spectrum opposed the law on grounds that it violated freedom of speech , and she had the nation's ear once again.

After an English anarchist named John Turner was arrested under the Anarchist Exclusion Act and threatened with deportation, Goldman joined forces with the Free Speech League to champion his cause.

Although Turner and the League lost, Goldman considered it a victory of propaganda. In , Goldman decided to start a publication, "a place of expression for the young idealists in arts and letters".

In addition to publishing original works by its editors and anarchists around the world, Mother Earth reprinted selections from a variety of writers.

Goldman wrote frequently about anarchism, politics, labor issues, atheism, sexuality, and feminism, and was the first editor of the magazine. On May 18 of the same year, Alexander Berkman was released from prison.

Carrying a bouquet of roses, Goldman met him on the train platform and found herself "seized by terror and pity" [84] as she beheld his gaunt, pale form.

Neither was able to speak; they returned to her home in silence. For weeks, he struggled to readjust to life on the outside.

An abortive speaking tour ended in failure, and in Cleveland he purchased a revolver with the intent of killing himself. Invigorated anew by this violation of freedom of assembly , he declared, "My resurrection has come!

Berkman took the helm of Mother Earth in , while Goldman toured the country to raise funds to keep it operating. Editing the magazine was a revitalizing experience for Berkman.

But his relationship with Goldman faltered, and he had an affair with a year-old anarchist named Becky Edelsohn. Goldman was pained by his rejection of her, but considered it a consequence of his prison experience.

Anarchists and syndicalists from around the world gathered to sort out the tension between the two ideologies, but no decisive agreement was reached.

Goldman returned to the US and continued speaking to large audiences. For the next ten years, Goldman traveled around the country nonstop, delivering lectures and agitating for anarchism.

The coalitions formed in opposition to the Anarchist Exclusion Act had given her an appreciation for reaching out to those of other political positions.

When the US Justice Department sent spies to observe, they reported the meetings as "packed". In the spring of , Goldman met and fell in love with Ben Reitman , the so-called "Hobo doctor.

As a doctor, he treated people suffering from poverty and illness, particularly venereal diseases. He and Goldman began an affair.

They shared a commitment to free love and Reitman took a variety of lovers, but Goldman did not. She tried to reconcile her feelings of jealousy with a belief in freedom of the heart, but found it difficult.

Two years later, Goldman began feeling frustrated with lecture audiences. She yearned to "reach the few who really want to learn, rather than the many who come to be amused".

Covering a wide variety of topics, Goldman tried to represent "the mental and soul struggles of twenty-one years". When Margaret Sanger , an advocate of access to contraception , coined the term "birth control" and disseminated information about various methods in the June issue of her magazine The Woman Rebel, she received aggressive support from Goldman.

The latter had already been active in efforts to increase birth control access for several years. In , Goldman was arrested for giving lessons in public on how to use contraceptives.

Although they later split from Sanger over charges of insufficient support, Goldman and Reitman distributed copies of Sanger's pamphlet Family Limitation along with a similar essay of Reitman's.

In Goldman conducted a nationwide speaking tour, in part to raise awareness about contraception options. Although the nation's attitude toward the topic seemed to be liberalizing, Goldman was arrested on February 11, , as she was about to give another public lecture.

Although President Woodrow Wilson was re-elected in under the slogan "He kept us out of the war", at the start of his second term, he announced that Germany 's continued deployment of unrestricted submarine warfare was sufficient cause for the US to enter the Great War.

Shortly afterward, Congress passed the Selective Service Act of , which required all males aged 21—30 to register for military conscription.

Goldman saw the decision as an exercise in militarist aggression, driven by capitalism. She declared in Mother Earth her intent to resist conscription, and to oppose US involvement in the war.

To this end, she and Berkman organized the No Conscription League of New York, which proclaimed: "We oppose conscription because we are internationalists, antimilitarists, and opposed to all wars waged by capitalistic governments.

When police began raiding the group's public events to find young men who had not registered for the draft, however, Goldman and others focused their efforts on distributing pamphlets and other writings.

The Socialist Party of America took an official stance against US involvement, but supported Wilson in most of his activities.

On June 15, , Goldman and Berkman were arrested during a raid of their offices, in which authorities seized "a wagon load of anarchist records and propaganda".

Defending herself and Berkman during their trial, Goldman invoked the First Amendment , asking how the government could claim to fight for democracy abroad while suppressing free speech at home:.

We say that if America has entered the war to make the world safe for democracy, she must first make democracy safe in America.

How else is the world to take America seriously, when democracy at home is daily being outraged, free speech suppressed, peaceable assemblies broken up by overbearing and brutal gangsters in uniform; when free press is curtailed and every independent opinion gagged?

Verily, poor as we are in democracy, how can we give of it to the world? The jury found Goldman and Berkman guilty. As she was transported to Missouri State Penitentiary , Goldman wrote to a friend: "Two years imprisonment for having made an uncompromising stand for one's ideal.

Why that is a small price. In prison, she was assigned to work as a seamstress, under the eye of a "miserable gutter-snipe of a year-old boy paid to get results".

Although they differed on political strategy— O'Hare believed in voting to achieve state power—the two women came together to agitate for better conditions among prisoners.

Antolini had been arrested transporting a satchel filled with dynamite on a Chicago-bound train. She had refused to cooperate with authorities, and was sent to prison for 14 months.

Working together to make life better for the other inmates, the three women became known as "The Trinity". Goldman was released on September 27, Goldman and Berkman were released from prison during the United States' Red Scare of —20 , when public anxiety about wartime pro-German activities had expanded into a pervasive fear of Bolshevism and the prospect of an imminent radical revolution.

It was a time of social unrest due to union organizing strikes and actions by activist immigrants.

Edgar Hoover , head of the US Department of Justice's General Intelligence Division now the FBI , were intent on using the Anarchist Exclusion Act and its expansion to deport any non-citizens they could identify as advocates of anarchy or revolution.

At her deportation hearing on October 27, Goldman refused to answer questions about her beliefs, on the grounds that her American citizenship invalidated any attempt to deport her under the Anarchist Exclusion Act, which could be enforced only against non-citizens of the US.

She presented a written statement instead: "Today so-called aliens are deported. Tomorrow native Americans will be banished.

Already some patrioteers are suggesting that native American sons to whom democracy is a sacred ideal should be exiled. After initially promising a court fight, [] Goldman decided not to appeal his ruling.

The Labor Department included Goldman and Berkman among aliens it deported en masse, mostly people with only vague associations with radical groups, who had been swept up in government raids in November.

The Cleveland Plain Dealer wrote: "It is hoped and expected that other vessels, larger, more commodious, carrying similar cargoes, will follow in her wake.

Goldman initially viewed the Bolshevik revolution in a positive light. She wrote in Mother Earth that despite its dependence on Communist government, it represented "the most fundamental, far-reaching and all-embracing principles of human freedom and of economic well-being".

She was worried about the ongoing Russian Civil War and the possibility of being seized by anti-Bolshevik forces. The state, anti-capitalist though it was, also posed a threat.

She quickly discovered that her fears were justified. Days after returning to Petrograd Saint Petersburg , she was shocked to hear a party official refer to free speech as a "bourgeois superstition".

Those who questioned the government were demonized as counter-revolutionaries , [] and workers labored under severe conditions.

He told them: "There can be no free speech in a revolutionary period. In March , strikes erupted in Petrograd when workers took to the streets demanding better food rations and more union autonomy.

Goldman and Berkman felt a responsibility to support the strikers, stating: "To remain silent now is impossible, even criminal.

In the Kronstadt rebellion , approximately 1, rebelling sailors and soldiers were killed and two thousand more were arrested; many were later executed.

In the wake of these events, Goldman and Berkman decided there was no future in the country for them.

And as we can not keep up a life of inactivity much longer we have decided to leave. In December , they left the country and went to the Latvian capital city of Riga.

The US commissioner in that city wired officials in Washington DC, who began requesting information from other governments about the couple's activities.

After a short trip to Stockholm , they moved to Berlin for several years; during this time Goldman agreed to write a series of articles about her time in Russia for Joseph Pulitzer 's newspaper, the New York World.

These were later collected and published in book form as My Disillusionment in Russia and My Further Disillusionment in Russia The publishers added these titles to attract attention; Goldman protested, albeit in vain.

Goldman found it difficult to acclimate to the German leftist community in Berlin. Communists despised her outspokenness about Soviet repression; liberals derided her radicalism.

Upon her arrival, the novelist Rebecca West arranged a reception dinner for her, attended by philosopher Bertrand Russell , novelist H.

Wells , and more than other guests. When she spoke of her dissatisfaction with the Soviet government, the audience was shocked.

Some left the gathering; others berated her for prematurely criticizing the Communist experiment. In , the spectre of deportation loomed again, but a Scottish anarchist named James Colton offered to marry her and provide British citizenship.

Although they were only distant acquaintances, she accepted and they were married on June 27, Her new status gave her peace of mind, and allowed her to travel to France and Canada.

It is a dreadful feeling to come back here from lectures and find not a kindred soul, no one who cares whether one is dead or alive.

But the audiences were "awful," and she never finished her second book on the subject. Goldman traveled to Canada in , just in time to receive news of the impending executions of Italian anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti in Boston.

Angered by the many irregularities of the case, she saw it as another travesty of justice in the US.

She longed to join the mass demonstrations in Boston ; memories of the Haymarket affair overwhelmed her, compounded by her isolation.

Now I have nothing. In , she began writing her autobiography, with the support of a group of American admirers, including journalist H. Mencken , poet Edna St.

Berkman offered sharply critical feedback, which she eventually incorporated at the price of a strain on their relationship.

Goldman was furious, but unable to force a change. Due in large part to the Great Depression , sales were sluggish despite keen interest from libraries around the US.

In , Goldman received permission to lecture in the United States under the condition that she speak only about drama and her autobiography—but not current political events.

She returned to New York on February 2, to generally positive press coverage—except from Communist publications.

Soon she was surrounded by admirers and friends, besieged with invitations to talks and interviews. Her visa expired in May, and she went to Toronto in order to file another request to visit the US.

However, this second attempt was denied. She stayed in Canada, writing articles for US publications. In February and March , Berkman underwent a pair of prostate gland operations.

Recuperating in Nice and cared for by his companion, Emmy Eckstein, he missed Goldman's sixty-seventh birthday in Saint-Tropez in June.

She wrote in sadness, but he never read the letter; she received a call in the middle of the night that Berkman was in great distress. She left for Nice immediately but when she arrived that morning, Goldman found that he had shot himself and was in a nearly comatose paralysis.

He died later that evening. At the same time, the Spanish anarchists , fighting against the Nationalist forces , started an anarchist revolution.

Goldman was invited to Barcelona and in an instant, as she wrote to her niece, "the crushing weight that was pressing down on my heart since Sasha's death left me as by magic".

Goldman began to worry about the future of Spain's anarchism when the CNT-FAI joined a coalition government in —against the core anarchist principle of abstaining from state structures—and, more distressingly, made repeated concessions to Communist forces in the name of uniting against fascism.

In November , she wrote that cooperating with Communists in Spain was "a denial of our comrades in Stalin's concentration camps".

Delivering lectures and giving interviews, Goldman enthusiastically supported the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists. She wrote regularly for Spain and the World , a biweekly newspaper focusing on the civil war.

In May , however, Communist-led forces attacked anarchist strongholds and broke up agrarian collectives. Newspapers in England and elsewhere accepted the timeline of events offered by the Second Spanish Republic at face value.

British journalist George Orwell , present for the crackdown, wrote: "[T]he accounts of the Barcelona riots in May Worse, anarchists and other radicals around the world refused to support their cause.

Frustrated by England's repressive atmosphere—which she called "more fascist than the fascists" [] —she returned to Canada in Her service to the anarchist cause in Spain was not forgotten, however.

She called it "the most beautiful tribute I have ever received". As the events preceding World War II began to unfold in Europe, Goldman reiterated her opposition to wars waged by governments.

On Saturday, February 17, , Goldman suffered a debilitating stroke. She became paralyzed on her right side, and although her hearing was unaffected, she could not speak.

As one friend described it: "Just to think that here was Emma, the greatest orator in America, unable to utter one word.

She suffered another stroke on May 8, however, and on May 14 she died in Toronto , aged Goldman spoke and wrote extensively on a wide variety of issues.

While she rejected orthodoxy and fundamentalist thinking, she was an important contributor to several fields of modern political philosophy.

Another philosopher who influenced Goldman was Friedrich Nietzsche. In her autobiography, she wrote: "Nietzsche was not a social theorist, but a poet, a rebel, and innovator.

His aristocracy was neither of birth nor of purse; it was the spirit. In that respect Nietzsche was an anarchist, and all true anarchists were aristocrats.

Anarchism was central to Goldman's view of the world and she is today considered one of the most important figures in the history of anarchism.

First drawn to it during the persecution of anarchists after the Haymarket affair , she wrote and spoke regularly on behalf of anarchism.

In the title essay of her book Anarchism and Other Essays , she wrote:. Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government.

Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations.

Goldman's anarchism was intensely personal. She believed it was necessary for anarchist thinkers to live their beliefs, demonstrating their convictions with every action and word.

At the same time, she believed that the movement on behalf of human liberty must be staffed by liberated humans.

While dancing among fellow anarchists one evening, she was chided by an associate for her carefree demeanor.

In her autobiography, Goldman wrote:. I told him to mind his own business, I was tired of having the Cause constantly thrown in my face.

I did not believe that a Cause which stood for a beautiful ideal, for anarchism, for release and freedom from conventions and prejudice, should demand denial of life and joy.

I insisted that our Cause could not expect me to behave as a nun and that the movement should not be turned into a cloister.

If it meant that, I did not want it. Goldman, in her political youth, held targeted violence to be a legitimate means of revolutionary struggle.

Goldman at the time believed that the use of violence, while distasteful, could be justified in relation to the social benefits it might accrue.

She advocated propaganda of the deed — attentat , or violence carried out to encourage the masses to revolt. She supported her partner Alexander Berkman 's attempt to kill industrialist Henry Clay Frick , and even begged him to allow her to participate.

As she wrote in "The Psychology of Political Violence": "the accumulated forces in our social and economic life, culminating in an act of violence, are similar to the terrors of the atmosphere, manifested in storm and lightning.

Her experiences in Russia led her to qualify her earlier belief that revolutionary ends might justify violent means. In the afterword to My Disillusionment in Russia , she wrote: "There is no greater fallacy than the belief that aims and purposes are one thing, while methods and tactics are another The means employed become, through individual habit and social practice, part and parcel of the final purpose The argument that destruction and terror are part of revolution I do not dispute.

I know that in the past every great political and social change necessitated violence Black slavery might still be a legalized institution in the United States but for the militant spirit of the John Browns.

I have never denied that violence is inevitable, nor do I gainsay it now. Yet it is one thing to employ violence in combat, as a means of defense.

It is quite another thing to make a principle of terrorism, to institutionalize it, to assign it the most vital place in the social struggle.

Such terrorism begets counter-revolution and in turn itself becomes counter-revolutionary. Goldman saw the militarization of Soviet society not as a result of armed resistance per se, but of the statist vision of the Bolsheviks, writing that "an insignificant minority bent on creating an absolute State is necessarily driven to oppression and terrorism.

Goldman believed that the economic system of capitalism was incompatible with human liberty. Originally opposed to anything less than complete revolution, Goldman was challenged during one talk by an elderly worker in the front row.

In her autobiography, she wrote:. He said that he understood my impatience with such small demands as a few hours less a day, or a few dollars more a week But what were men of his age to do?

They were not likely to live to see the ultimate overthrow of the capitalist system. Were they also to forgo the release of perhaps two hours a day from the hated work?

That was all they could hope to see realized in their lifetime. Goldman realized that smaller efforts for improvement such as higher wages and shorter hours could be part of a social revolution.

Goldman viewed the state as essentially and inevitably a tool of control and domination. As a result, Goldman believed that voting was useless at best and dangerous at worst.

Voting, she wrote, provided an illusion of participation while masking the true structures of decision-making.

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When the Panic of struck in the following year, the United States suffered one of its worst economic crises. Goldman began speaking to crowds of frustrated men and women in New York City.

On August 21, she spoke to a crowd of nearly 3, people in Union Square , where she encouraged unemployed workers to take immediate action. Her exact words are unclear: undercover agents insist she ordered the crowd to "take everything If they do not give you work, demand bread.

If they deny you both, take bread. A week later, Goldman was arrested in Philadelphia and returned to New York City for trial, charged with "inciting to riot".

She responded by throwing a glass of ice water in his face. She spent two hours talking to Goldman and wrote a positive article about the woman she described as a "modern Joan of Arc.

Despite this positive publicity, the jury was persuaded by Jacobs' testimony and frightened by Goldman's politics. The assistant District Attorney questioned Goldman about her anarchism, as well as her atheism; the judge spoke of her as "a dangerous woman".

Once inside she suffered an attack of rheumatism and was sent to the infirmary; there she befriended a visiting doctor and began studying medicine.

She soon became swamped with requests for interviews and lectures. To make money, Goldman decided to pursue the medical work she had studied in prison.

However, her preferred fields of specialization— midwifery and massage —were not available to nursing students in the US. She sailed to Europe, lecturing in London, Glasgow, and Edinburgh.

In Vienna , she received two diplomas for midwifery and put them immediately to use back in the US. Alternating between lectures and midwifery, Goldman conducted the first cross-country tour by an anarchist speaker.

They went together to France and helped organize the International Anarchist Congress on the outskirts of Paris. They shared a residence there with friends of Goldman.

McKinley was hit in the breastbone and stomach, and died eight days later. During interrogation he claimed to be an anarchist and said he had been inspired to act after attending a speech by Goldman.

The authorities used this as a pretext to charge Goldman with planning McKinley's assassination. They tracked her to the residence in Chicago she shared with Havel, as well as with Mary and Abe Isaak , an anarchist couple and their family.

Earlier, Czolgosz had tried but failed to become friends with Goldman and her companions. During a talk in Cleveland, Czolgosz had approached Goldman and asked her advice on which books he should read.

In July , he had appeared at the Isaak house, asking a series of unusual questions. They assumed he was an infiltrator, like a number of police agents sent to spy on radical groups.

They had remained distant from him, and Abe Isaak sent a notice to associates warning of "another spy". Although Czolgosz repeatedly denied Goldman's involvement, the police held her in close custody, subjecting her to what she called the " third degree ".

No evidence was found linking Goldman to the attack, and she was released after two weeks of detention. Before McKinley died, Goldman offered to provide nursing care, referring to him as "merely a human being".

Throughout her detention and after her release, Goldman steadfastly refused to condemn Czolgosz's actions, standing virtually alone in doing so.

Friends and supporters—including Berkman—urged her to quit his cause. But Goldman defended Czolgosz as a "supersensitive being" [72] and chastised other anarchists for abandoning him.

McKinley's successor, Theodore Roosevelt , declared his intent to crack down "not only against anarchists, but against all active and passive sympathizers with anarchists".

After Czolgosz was executed, Goldman withdrew from the world. Scorned by her fellow anarchists, vilified by the press, and separated from her love, Berkman, she retreated into anonymity and nursing.

Using the name E. Smith, she left public life and took on a series of private nursing jobs. A coalition of people and organizations across the left end of the political spectrum opposed the law on grounds that it violated freedom of speech , and she had the nation's ear once again.

After an English anarchist named John Turner was arrested under the Anarchist Exclusion Act and threatened with deportation, Goldman joined forces with the Free Speech League to champion his cause.

Although Turner and the League lost, Goldman considered it a victory of propaganda. In , Goldman decided to start a publication, "a place of expression for the young idealists in arts and letters".

In addition to publishing original works by its editors and anarchists around the world, Mother Earth reprinted selections from a variety of writers.

Goldman wrote frequently about anarchism, politics, labor issues, atheism, sexuality, and feminism, and was the first editor of the magazine.

On May 18 of the same year, Alexander Berkman was released from prison. Carrying a bouquet of roses, Goldman met him on the train platform and found herself "seized by terror and pity" [84] as she beheld his gaunt, pale form.

Neither was able to speak; they returned to her home in silence. For weeks, he struggled to readjust to life on the outside. An abortive speaking tour ended in failure, and in Cleveland he purchased a revolver with the intent of killing himself.

Invigorated anew by this violation of freedom of assembly , he declared, "My resurrection has come! Berkman took the helm of Mother Earth in , while Goldman toured the country to raise funds to keep it operating.

Editing the magazine was a revitalizing experience for Berkman. But his relationship with Goldman faltered, and he had an affair with a year-old anarchist named Becky Edelsohn.

Goldman was pained by his rejection of her, but considered it a consequence of his prison experience. Anarchists and syndicalists from around the world gathered to sort out the tension between the two ideologies, but no decisive agreement was reached.

Goldman returned to the US and continued speaking to large audiences. For the next ten years, Goldman traveled around the country nonstop, delivering lectures and agitating for anarchism.

The coalitions formed in opposition to the Anarchist Exclusion Act had given her an appreciation for reaching out to those of other political positions.

When the US Justice Department sent spies to observe, they reported the meetings as "packed". In the spring of , Goldman met and fell in love with Ben Reitman , the so-called "Hobo doctor.

As a doctor, he treated people suffering from poverty and illness, particularly venereal diseases.

He and Goldman began an affair. They shared a commitment to free love and Reitman took a variety of lovers, but Goldman did not.

She tried to reconcile her feelings of jealousy with a belief in freedom of the heart, but found it difficult. Two years later, Goldman began feeling frustrated with lecture audiences.

She yearned to "reach the few who really want to learn, rather than the many who come to be amused". Covering a wide variety of topics, Goldman tried to represent "the mental and soul struggles of twenty-one years".

When Margaret Sanger , an advocate of access to contraception , coined the term "birth control" and disseminated information about various methods in the June issue of her magazine The Woman Rebel, she received aggressive support from Goldman.

The latter had already been active in efforts to increase birth control access for several years. In , Goldman was arrested for giving lessons in public on how to use contraceptives.

Although they later split from Sanger over charges of insufficient support, Goldman and Reitman distributed copies of Sanger's pamphlet Family Limitation along with a similar essay of Reitman's.

In Goldman conducted a nationwide speaking tour, in part to raise awareness about contraception options. Although the nation's attitude toward the topic seemed to be liberalizing, Goldman was arrested on February 11, , as she was about to give another public lecture.

Although President Woodrow Wilson was re-elected in under the slogan "He kept us out of the war", at the start of his second term, he announced that Germany 's continued deployment of unrestricted submarine warfare was sufficient cause for the US to enter the Great War.

Shortly afterward, Congress passed the Selective Service Act of , which required all males aged 21—30 to register for military conscription.

Goldman saw the decision as an exercise in militarist aggression, driven by capitalism. She declared in Mother Earth her intent to resist conscription, and to oppose US involvement in the war.

To this end, she and Berkman organized the No Conscription League of New York, which proclaimed: "We oppose conscription because we are internationalists, antimilitarists, and opposed to all wars waged by capitalistic governments.

When police began raiding the group's public events to find young men who had not registered for the draft, however, Goldman and others focused their efforts on distributing pamphlets and other writings.

The Socialist Party of America took an official stance against US involvement, but supported Wilson in most of his activities.

On June 15, , Goldman and Berkman were arrested during a raid of their offices, in which authorities seized "a wagon load of anarchist records and propaganda".

Defending herself and Berkman during their trial, Goldman invoked the First Amendment , asking how the government could claim to fight for democracy abroad while suppressing free speech at home:.

We say that if America has entered the war to make the world safe for democracy, she must first make democracy safe in America. How else is the world to take America seriously, when democracy at home is daily being outraged, free speech suppressed, peaceable assemblies broken up by overbearing and brutal gangsters in uniform; when free press is curtailed and every independent opinion gagged?

Verily, poor as we are in democracy, how can we give of it to the world? The jury found Goldman and Berkman guilty. As she was transported to Missouri State Penitentiary , Goldman wrote to a friend: "Two years imprisonment for having made an uncompromising stand for one's ideal.

Why that is a small price. In prison, she was assigned to work as a seamstress, under the eye of a "miserable gutter-snipe of a year-old boy paid to get results".

Although they differed on political strategy— O'Hare believed in voting to achieve state power—the two women came together to agitate for better conditions among prisoners.

Antolini had been arrested transporting a satchel filled with dynamite on a Chicago-bound train. She had refused to cooperate with authorities, and was sent to prison for 14 months.

Working together to make life better for the other inmates, the three women became known as "The Trinity". Goldman was released on September 27, Goldman and Berkman were released from prison during the United States' Red Scare of —20 , when public anxiety about wartime pro-German activities had expanded into a pervasive fear of Bolshevism and the prospect of an imminent radical revolution.

It was a time of social unrest due to union organizing strikes and actions by activist immigrants. Edgar Hoover , head of the US Department of Justice's General Intelligence Division now the FBI , were intent on using the Anarchist Exclusion Act and its expansion to deport any non-citizens they could identify as advocates of anarchy or revolution.

At her deportation hearing on October 27, Goldman refused to answer questions about her beliefs, on the grounds that her American citizenship invalidated any attempt to deport her under the Anarchist Exclusion Act, which could be enforced only against non-citizens of the US.

She presented a written statement instead: "Today so-called aliens are deported. Tomorrow native Americans will be banished. Already some patrioteers are suggesting that native American sons to whom democracy is a sacred ideal should be exiled.

After initially promising a court fight, [] Goldman decided not to appeal his ruling. The Labor Department included Goldman and Berkman among aliens it deported en masse, mostly people with only vague associations with radical groups, who had been swept up in government raids in November.

The Cleveland Plain Dealer wrote: "It is hoped and expected that other vessels, larger, more commodious, carrying similar cargoes, will follow in her wake.

Goldman initially viewed the Bolshevik revolution in a positive light. She wrote in Mother Earth that despite its dependence on Communist government, it represented "the most fundamental, far-reaching and all-embracing principles of human freedom and of economic well-being".

She was worried about the ongoing Russian Civil War and the possibility of being seized by anti-Bolshevik forces. The state, anti-capitalist though it was, also posed a threat.

She quickly discovered that her fears were justified. Days after returning to Petrograd Saint Petersburg , she was shocked to hear a party official refer to free speech as a "bourgeois superstition".

Those who questioned the government were demonized as counter-revolutionaries , [] and workers labored under severe conditions.

He told them: "There can be no free speech in a revolutionary period. In March , strikes erupted in Petrograd when workers took to the streets demanding better food rations and more union autonomy.

Goldman and Berkman felt a responsibility to support the strikers, stating: "To remain silent now is impossible, even criminal. In the Kronstadt rebellion , approximately 1, rebelling sailors and soldiers were killed and two thousand more were arrested; many were later executed.

In the wake of these events, Goldman and Berkman decided there was no future in the country for them. And as we can not keep up a life of inactivity much longer we have decided to leave.

In December , they left the country and went to the Latvian capital city of Riga. The US commissioner in that city wired officials in Washington DC, who began requesting information from other governments about the couple's activities.

After a short trip to Stockholm , they moved to Berlin for several years; during this time Goldman agreed to write a series of articles about her time in Russia for Joseph Pulitzer 's newspaper, the New York World.

These were later collected and published in book form as My Disillusionment in Russia and My Further Disillusionment in Russia The publishers added these titles to attract attention; Goldman protested, albeit in vain.

Goldman found it difficult to acclimate to the German leftist community in Berlin. Communists despised her outspokenness about Soviet repression; liberals derided her radicalism.

Upon her arrival, the novelist Rebecca West arranged a reception dinner for her, attended by philosopher Bertrand Russell , novelist H.

Wells , and more than other guests. When she spoke of her dissatisfaction with the Soviet government, the audience was shocked.

Some left the gathering; others berated her for prematurely criticizing the Communist experiment. In , the spectre of deportation loomed again, but a Scottish anarchist named James Colton offered to marry her and provide British citizenship.

Although they were only distant acquaintances, she accepted and they were married on June 27, Her new status gave her peace of mind, and allowed her to travel to France and Canada.

It is a dreadful feeling to come back here from lectures and find not a kindred soul, no one who cares whether one is dead or alive.

But the audiences were "awful," and she never finished her second book on the subject. Goldman traveled to Canada in , just in time to receive news of the impending executions of Italian anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti in Boston.

Angered by the many irregularities of the case, she saw it as another travesty of justice in the US. She longed to join the mass demonstrations in Boston ; memories of the Haymarket affair overwhelmed her, compounded by her isolation.

Now I have nothing. In , she began writing her autobiography, with the support of a group of American admirers, including journalist H.

Mencken , poet Edna St. Berkman offered sharply critical feedback, which she eventually incorporated at the price of a strain on their relationship.

Goldman was furious, but unable to force a change. Due in large part to the Great Depression , sales were sluggish despite keen interest from libraries around the US.

In , Goldman received permission to lecture in the United States under the condition that she speak only about drama and her autobiography—but not current political events.

She returned to New York on February 2, to generally positive press coverage—except from Communist publications. Soon she was surrounded by admirers and friends, besieged with invitations to talks and interviews.

Her visa expired in May, and she went to Toronto in order to file another request to visit the US. However, this second attempt was denied.

She stayed in Canada, writing articles for US publications. In February and March , Berkman underwent a pair of prostate gland operations. Recuperating in Nice and cared for by his companion, Emmy Eckstein, he missed Goldman's sixty-seventh birthday in Saint-Tropez in June.

She wrote in sadness, but he never read the letter; she received a call in the middle of the night that Berkman was in great distress. She left for Nice immediately but when she arrived that morning, Goldman found that he had shot himself and was in a nearly comatose paralysis.

He died later that evening. At the same time, the Spanish anarchists , fighting against the Nationalist forces , started an anarchist revolution.

Goldman was invited to Barcelona and in an instant, as she wrote to her niece, "the crushing weight that was pressing down on my heart since Sasha's death left me as by magic".

Goldman began to worry about the future of Spain's anarchism when the CNT-FAI joined a coalition government in —against the core anarchist principle of abstaining from state structures—and, more distressingly, made repeated concessions to Communist forces in the name of uniting against fascism.

In November , she wrote that cooperating with Communists in Spain was "a denial of our comrades in Stalin's concentration camps".

Delivering lectures and giving interviews, Goldman enthusiastically supported the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists.

She wrote regularly for Spain and the World , a biweekly newspaper focusing on the civil war. In May , however, Communist-led forces attacked anarchist strongholds and broke up agrarian collectives.

Newspapers in England and elsewhere accepted the timeline of events offered by the Second Spanish Republic at face value. British journalist George Orwell , present for the crackdown, wrote: "[T]he accounts of the Barcelona riots in May Worse, anarchists and other radicals around the world refused to support their cause.

Frustrated by England's repressive atmosphere—which she called "more fascist than the fascists" [] —she returned to Canada in Her service to the anarchist cause in Spain was not forgotten, however.

She called it "the most beautiful tribute I have ever received". As the events preceding World War II began to unfold in Europe, Goldman reiterated her opposition to wars waged by governments.

On Saturday, February 17, , Goldman suffered a debilitating stroke. She became paralyzed on her right side, and although her hearing was unaffected, she could not speak.

As one friend described it: "Just to think that here was Emma, the greatest orator in America, unable to utter one word.

She suffered another stroke on May 8, however, and on May 14 she died in Toronto , aged Goldman spoke and wrote extensively on a wide variety of issues.

While she rejected orthodoxy and fundamentalist thinking, she was an important contributor to several fields of modern political philosophy. Another philosopher who influenced Goldman was Friedrich Nietzsche.

In her autobiography, she wrote: "Nietzsche was not a social theorist, but a poet, a rebel, and innovator.

His aristocracy was neither of birth nor of purse; it was the spirit. In that respect Nietzsche was an anarchist, and all true anarchists were aristocrats.

Anarchism was central to Goldman's view of the world and she is today considered one of the most important figures in the history of anarchism.

First drawn to it during the persecution of anarchists after the Haymarket affair , she wrote and spoke regularly on behalf of anarchism. In the title essay of her book Anarchism and Other Essays , she wrote:.

Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from the dominion of religion; the liberation of the human body from the dominion of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of government.

Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth; an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to individual desires, tastes, and inclinations.

Goldman's anarchism was intensely personal. She believed it was necessary for anarchist thinkers to live their beliefs, demonstrating their convictions with every action and word.

At the same time, she believed that the movement on behalf of human liberty must be staffed by liberated humans. While dancing among fellow anarchists one evening, she was chided by an associate for her carefree demeanor.

In her autobiography, Goldman wrote:. I told him to mind his own business, I was tired of having the Cause constantly thrown in my face.

I did not believe that a Cause which stood for a beautiful ideal, for anarchism, for release and freedom from conventions and prejudice, should demand denial of life and joy.

I insisted that our Cause could not expect me to behave as a nun and that the movement should not be turned into a cloister. If it meant that, I did not want it.

Goldman, in her political youth, held targeted violence to be a legitimate means of revolutionary struggle. Goldman at the time believed that the use of violence, while distasteful, could be justified in relation to the social benefits it might accrue.

She advocated propaganda of the deed — attentat , or violence carried out to encourage the masses to revolt. She supported her partner Alexander Berkman 's attempt to kill industrialist Henry Clay Frick , and even begged him to allow her to participate.

As she wrote in "The Psychology of Political Violence": "the accumulated forces in our social and economic life, culminating in an act of violence, are similar to the terrors of the atmosphere, manifested in storm and lightning.

Her experiences in Russia led her to qualify her earlier belief that revolutionary ends might justify violent means.

In the afterword to My Disillusionment in Russia , she wrote: "There is no greater fallacy than the belief that aims and purposes are one thing, while methods and tactics are another The means employed become, through individual habit and social practice, part and parcel of the final purpose The argument that destruction and terror are part of revolution I do not dispute.

I know that in the past every great political and social change necessitated violence Black slavery might still be a legalized institution in the United States but for the militant spirit of the John Browns.

I have never denied that violence is inevitable, nor do I gainsay it now. Yet it is one thing to employ violence in combat, as a means of defense.

It is quite another thing to make a principle of terrorism, to institutionalize it, to assign it the most vital place in the social struggle.

Such terrorism begets counter-revolution and in turn itself becomes counter-revolutionary. Goldman saw the militarization of Soviet society not as a result of armed resistance per se, but of the statist vision of the Bolsheviks, writing that "an insignificant minority bent on creating an absolute State is necessarily driven to oppression and terrorism.

Goldman believed that the economic system of capitalism was incompatible with human liberty. Originally opposed to anything less than complete revolution, Goldman was challenged during one talk by an elderly worker in the front row.

In her autobiography, she wrote:. He said that he understood my impatience with such small demands as a few hours less a day, or a few dollars more a week But what were men of his age to do?

They were not likely to live to see the ultimate overthrow of the capitalist system. Were they also to forgo the release of perhaps two hours a day from the hated work?

That was all they could hope to see realized in their lifetime. Goldman realized that smaller efforts for improvement such as higher wages and shorter hours could be part of a social revolution.

Goldman viewed the state as essentially and inevitably a tool of control and domination. As a result, Goldman believed that voting was useless at best and dangerous at worst.

Voting, she wrote, provided an illusion of participation while masking the true structures of decision-making. Instead, Goldman advocated targeted resistance in the form of strikes, protests, and "direct action against the invasive, meddlesome authority of our moral code".

Goldman wrote that any power anarchists wielded as a voting bloc should instead be used to strike across the country. In her essay "Woman Suffrage", she ridicules the idea that women's involvement would infuse the democratic state with a more just orientation: "As if women have not sold their votes, as if women politicians cannot be bought!

Goldman was also a passionate critic of the prison system, critiquing both the treatment of prisoners and the social causes of crime.

Goldman viewed crime as a natural outgrowth of an unjust economic system, and in her essay "Prisons: A Social Crime and Failure", she quoted liberally from the 19th-century authors Fyodor Dostoevsky and Oscar Wilde on prisons, and wrote:.

Year after year the gates of prison hells return to the world an emaciated, deformed, will-less, shipwrecked crew of humanity, with the Cain mark on their foreheads, their hopes crushed, all their natural inclinations thwarted.

With nothing but hunger and inhumanity to greet them, these victims soon sink back into crime as the only possibility of existence.

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